Athena, the French mastiff was, buried alive when the rescue found her and presently is learning how to cherish the new found love with her new family.This 10-year old big girl was rescued a couple of months ago from Paris by Pedro Denis who was out on a walk with his dog when they spotted Athena struggling to move the heap of dirt and stones that was laid on her. Both him and his dog, involuntary pounced on the mound and saved her in the nick of time.
Athena was rescued and immediately admitted to the nearby hospital as she was dehydrated and barely alive. Despite all odds, she not only survived but also quickly recovered. While nursing her, the crew found out that Athena was the goddess of endless love. Barthélémy Balli describes Athena as a strictly non-aggressive dog that is just too good and nice.
The culprit has been caught and verified as Athena’s previous owner, aged 21. He is currently, charged with Animal cruelty for two years in prison and $33,000 in fines. Athena, meanwhile, is living her new life with Jean-Pierre and Raymonde Delfosse, the founders of the rescue group SOS Dogue de Bordeaux, where she is welcome to reside until eternity.
The couple states that Athena is a lovely being who is enthralled about the garden and her new friends.
Police from seven states have been called in to launch a military operation against unarmed water protectors trying to reroute the Dakota Access Pipeline.
There have been a lot of questions surrounding the influx of military style troops and equipment to the Standing Rock Sioux tribal area in North Dakota. In August, North Dakota Gov. Jack Dalrymple declared a state of emergency in response to the growing Dakota Access pipeline protests, and Morton County Sheriff Kyle Kirchmeier has invoked the Emergency Management Assistance Compact, calling on police resources from six surrounding states.
On Thursday October 27, police executed
a particularly violent sweep of a camp.
On Thursday October 27, police executed a particularly violent sweep of a camp that left structures destroyed, more than 140 people arrested, cars impounded and others burning on the side of the road. The highly militarized response—armored vehicles and heavy weaponry—was recorded by many people caught in the assault.
Across the nation, there have been solidarity actions to protest the police response. When word spread that police were allegedly using Facebook to monitor those gathered at Standing Rock, a campaign was launched Sunday encouraging Facebook users worldwide to “check-in” at Standing Rock and share that status publicly. The campaign seeks to confuse police by flooding social media with check-ins from all across the globe. According to CNN today, hundreds of thousands of people have already done it; although the Morton County Sheriff’s Department has denied using Facebook to monitor the camp.
The questions many are asking range from why a private pipeline company warrants a seven-state security force paid for by taxpayers, to why President Obama has not stepped in.
Here is a list of officials from the involved states, plus the county and city police confirmed by news reports, to have sent troops and equipment to North Dakota. Questions can be directed to these people.
use face art to transform themselves may be varied. Sometimes they choose to do so as a part of a tribal ritual or at other times they do so to mark their status (as is the case with some aboriginal tribes), but the colorful and dynamic language of the face painting remains the same.Significance of the Colors: Colors in Native American culture have special significance. Red is a violent color; it is the color of war. Strangely enough black, which is considered to be an inauspicious colors in most cultures, is the color of ‘living’, worn on the face during war preparations. White predictably is the color of peace. The color green when worn under the eyes is believed to empower the wearer with a night vision. Yellow is the most inauspicious color, it is the color of death, as it is the color of “old bones.” Care should be taken not to wear a lot of yellow, and is worn only when a person is in mourning. Also yellow, means a man has lived his life and will fight to the finish. Each Indian tribe has its own and unique way of face painting. Face paintings can be the lightest streak of color on the face. It can also mean covering their faces completely.
Raw materials used for Tribal Face Painting: Face painting is considered to be anIMPORTANT tradition among Native Americans. It is much more than just a beautifying practice. It’s a sacred social act of distinction and a cultural heritage. On special occasions faces of the tribe members are painted to augment one’s appearance and power. Each tribe of the Indians has its own and unique way of face painting.
For Native Americans Indians, roots, berries and tree barks are most commonly used to make the dyes for face painting. These natural raw materials are ground and made to a paste to make the dye. Clay of different hues is also used in Native Indian face painting. These wonderful colors along with the ideal face painting designs do create a desired effect. The process envolved a strict ritualistic order, that is maintained during the application of these colors.
The colors are first applied around the nose and only the index finger and middle finger is used for the application. The rest of the face i.e. the forehead, chin and eye areas are then carefully covered with paint. For some face paintings they would cover their face and then plaster it down with mud leaving the holes for the eyes and mouth. Generally the warriors would paint their faces with colored clay. They would then do the design of their tribe. Each tribe has its own designs for war and ceremonies. For the Zuni, and in many other cultures, the paints are sacred and nobody is allowed to touch a painted dancer until he has washed his body.
In response to the altogether shocking announcement the Army Corps of Engineers will be evicting water protectors from the Oceti Sakowin and any campsnorth of the Cannonball River, the Cheyenne River Tribe — co-litigants in a lawsuit seeking to halt the Dakota Access Pipeline — sharply condemned the plan as “a direct and irresponsible threat to the water protectors.”
On Friday — unironically, the day after Thanksgiving — Army Corps District Commander Col. John W. Henderson sent a letter to Standing Rock Sioux Tribe Chairman Dave Archambault II and Cheyenne River Sioux Tribe Chairman Harold Frazier announcing the closure of Corps-managed land to all “public use and access” on December 5.
Henderson’s letter and the Army Corps’ plan is an affront to dignity and logic in multiple ways — most notably, the reason cited for clearing the peaceful camps.
“This decision is necessary to protect the general public from the violent confrontations between protestors and law enforcement officials that have occurred in this area, and to prevent death, illness, or serious injury to inhabitants of encampments due to the harsh North Dakota winter conditions,” he wrote.
All confrontations with officers thus far only occurred after police escalated the situation — deploying brute and wildly excessive force against unarmed water protectors — including an incident last Sunday in which a tribal elder nearly died after suffering cardiac arrest, twice, Vanessa Dundon’s sight might be lost thanks to a tear gas canister police launched at her head, and Sophia Wilansky is having her entire arm reconstructed after a concussion grenade tore it apart.
Further, in that same clash, the Morton County Sheriff’s Department conjured the specter of 1960s racism in spraying the crowd of 400 with a fire hose in temperatures hovering in the low 20s Fahrenheit — two days after voicing concern water protectors could suffer hypothermia in the camps if they stayed put through winter.
Henderson oh-so graciously explained a “free speech zone” has been demarcated south of the Cannonball River, and requested Frazier to “encourage members of [the Cheyenne River Sioux Tribe], as well as any non-members who support you who are located in the encampments north of the Cannonball River on Corps lands to immediately and peacefully move to the free speech zone. . . .”
Frazier justifiably balked at this request in his response to Henderson, in which he copied in President Obama and other relevant Washington officials, saying,
“The area north of the Cannonball River is both the ancestral homeland of the Lakota people and inside the boundaries of the 1851 Fort Laramie Treaty, a treaty that has not been abrogated and law that governs us all. The best of these lands have already been unjustly taken and flooded by the Corps in the disastrous Pick-Sloane legislation. We will no longer allow our rights as a Tribe or as indigenous people as a whole to continue to be eroded.
“This decision, coming on the heels of the Thanksgiving holiday, is not only disrespectful, but continues the cycle of racism and oppression imposed on our people and our lands throughout history.”
“We ask that the Corps and the United States reconsider this decision. Treaties are the supreme law of the land and the Constitution of the United States demands that they be respected. Removal from Sioux Treaty lands should be the choice of the Oceti Sakowin Camp north of the Cannonball River, not the United States, which has been violating our rights for hundreds of years.”
Archambault issued a press release shortly following the first reports of the Army Corps’ plans, also addressing centuries of horrendous mistreatment of Indigenous peoples by the U.S. government, stating, in part:
“It is both unfortunate and ironic that this announcement comes the day after this country celebrates Thanksgiving – a historic exchange of goodwill between Native Americans and the first immigrants from Europe. Although the news is saddening, it is not at all surprising given the last 500 years of the treatment of our people. We have suffered much, but we still have hope that the President will act on his commitment to close the chapter of broken promises to our people and especially our children.”
To set the record straight and allay unfounded but oft-perpetuated rumors to the contrary, it must be noted Archambault reiterated the Standing Rock Sioux Tribe did, indeed, attempt to voice its concerns when plans for Dakota Access were first laid out:
“We ask that all everyone who can appeal to President Obama and the Army Corps of Engineers to consider the future of our people and rescind all permits and deny the easement to cross the Missouri River just north of our Reservation and straight through our treaty lands. When Dakota Access Pipeline chose this route, they did not consider our strong opposition.Our concerns were clearly articulated directly to them in a meeting on Sept. 30, 2014. We have released that audio recording from our council meeting where DAPL and the ND Public Service Commission came to us with this route.”
Indeed, continued brutality and barbarism by the Morton County Sheriff’s Department and multiple in- and out-of-state law enforcement agencies coordinating to defend construction of the enormously controversial pipeline has been likened to the slaughter at Wounded Knee 125 years ago on virtually the same lands.
International outrage over police treatment of largely peaceful water protectors led human rights observers to visit several encampments to monitor events.
But the news of mass eviction comes as a total shock to the Standing Rock Sioux and Cheyenne River Sioux and thousands of supportersAROUND THE WORLD and at the camps — and is conspicuously timed to occur one day before a sizable delegation of U.S. military veterans is slated to arrive to defend water protectors.
First Nations peoples from around the United States and Indigenous peoples from every corner of the globe, as well as countless supporters, had planned to ride out the bitter winter and camp indefinitely on the open plains of North Dakota until construction of the pipeline can be halted for good.
Frazier keenly notes of the ill-begotten Army Corps plans:
“[Y]our letter dangerously and profoundly misunderstands the basic function and status of a tribal government and its elected leaders. I am the chief executive of a sovereign nation that is comprised of individual citizens with physical territory within the exterior boundaries the State of South Dakota. Under the laws of the United States, my government lacks jurisdiction at Cannonball; but moreIMPORTANTLY, I no more control the acts and behaviors of Cheyenne River Sioux Tribal members or non-member water protectors at the Cannonball site than you do, Col. Henderson.”
As the government of the United States would be well advised to consider, Frazier further explains individuals have the right to peaceably assemble “in prayerful protest against the cultural and environmental atrocity”and that he would not be so bold as to use the authority consensually granted by citizens to infringe on their human or constitutional rights.
Several details in Henderson’s letter announcing the eviction indicate the potential for the move to unravel atrociously at the expense of innocent water protectors facing the literal U.S. Army, as Frazier points out:
“Perhaps the most terrifying aspect of your letter is your acknowledgement of the stark reality that that the confrontation between our peaceful water protectors and law enforcement could result in death or serious injury, a fact demonstrated by the brutal attack on Sophia Wilansky by North Dakota police last week. But in the very next paragraph you guarantee that further confrontations will occur by promising that these peaceful people will be trespassing on closed areas and you threaten that they will do so ‘at their own risk’ and will ‘assume any and all corresponding liabilities for their unlawful presence and occupation of such lands.’
“I take your letter as issuing a direct and irresponsible threat to the water protectors.It appears to further empower the militarized police force that has been brutalizing and terrorizing our water protectors while imposing the blame and the risk on unarmed peaceful people. We have pleaded for the protection of the United States. Your letter makes a grave and dangerous mistake. Federal efforts to de-escalate the violence should beaimed at the wrongdoers, not at our peaceful people.”
When the Army Corps of Engineers arranges to forcefully remove water protectors from the Oceti Sakowin Camp and others, they will almost certainly be met with prayer and civil disobedience, but not firearms or other weapons. Strict rules disallowing violence and aggressive tactics by anyone wishing to camp in support of the Standing Rock Sioux have been in place since the camps were first erected — and that policy has not changed.
However, as Frazier wisely explains, individuals often act as they choose — on either side of the blue government line. Without knowledge of the logistics for eviction, how, precisely, the government and law enforcement plan such a massive, systematic, and forceful plot remains to be seen December 5th.
After A Month of Conflict, Mass Media Arrives in Force at Standing Rock
STANDING ROCK, ND — A circle had formed around a long table at the top of Media Hill, the gentle perch where wireless communication thrives in the mostly digitally challenged Oceti Sakowin Camp. Seated at the table before a crowd of cameras and microphones were various activists and tribal leaders. A press conference was underway. It was streaming on Facebook LIVE. The gathering of media at such an international scale represented one of the most organized events like it since the movement here began.
“Thank you for seeing us,” said Eryn Wise. “A lot of people don’t.” The Jicarilla-Apache/Laguna Pueblo water protector was among five panelists addressing dozens of members of the media on Saturday, November 26. The group included a smattering of advocacy bloggers, freelance journalists, and staff reporters with such elite publications as Vogueand The Washington Post.The day before, Wise was posting FacebookLIVE EVENTS from the encampment on behalf of The New York Times.
Since April, when the movement to try and stop construction of the $3.8 billion dollar Dakota Access Pipeline began, media presence at Standing Rock has mostly consisted of activists with cell phones streaming Facebook testimonies to their friends and followers.
By Jenni Monet
Their voices have helped galvanize the movement, and on Sunday, November 20, it shined an essential light on what brand-name media has mostly ignored: mounting tension, a violent and militarized police force, and prayer actions by demonstrators who insist they are unarmed.
On the night of the 20th about 400 demonstrators were hosed down with water in sub-freezing temperatures by Morton County Sheriffs deputies. Water protectors on the front lines opposite police say concussion grenades were also used. During the stand-off, which lasted for as long as six hours, major media attention was starkly absent. Instead, Facebook LIVE feeds broadcasted the unfolding drama, where at one point a quarter-million people had tuned in to watch what has largely been described by many as warfare.
The day’s mass gathering on Media Hill suddenly represented a critical new shift in the anti-pipeline occupation: exposure.
“It’s been overnight that it’s come to this,” said Dave Archambault II. The Standing Rock Sioux Tribal Chairman has grown a mustache and a light goatee. On this day, he also wore a baseball hat ; an altogether different look from the suit-wearing persona Archambault presented during his October media-blitz in New York.
“We’re not violating any laws,” said Archambault. That message was among his primary points to address at the press event. In less than a month, the struggle at Standing Rock has intensified, in large part, under a media blackout.
Three weeks ago, on October 27, the Morton County Sheriff’s Department along with a coalition of out-of-state deputies and soldiers with the North Dakota National Guard performed a militarized sweep on water protectors at the 1851 Treaty Camp north of the Oceti Sakowin Camp. Since then, dramatic clashes with police have evolved into a routine theater of arrests—more than 520 since August—along with police shooting water protectors with rubber bullets, tear-gas, mace, and ironically, water, the very resource that the activists have vowed to defend.
The Missouri River remains the primary focus of the growing movement. The ribbon of water is the tribe’s primary supply along with millions of others downstream. The tribe worries the pipeline will rupture eventually and contaminate the river. Energy Transfer Partners, operator of the pipeline, has refuted these claims, saying they are unfounded.
On this day, the press conference focused conversation on Friday’s eviction noticeissued by the U.S. Army Corp of Engineers. The federal agency was rescinding its permit to the thousands camped out at the Oceti Sakowin camps. As of Saturday, there’s believed to be as many as 10,000 people living in the community of teepees, RV’s and winterized tents and yurts.
“Suggested forced removal and state oppression; this is nothing new to Native peoples,” said Dallas Goldtooth, a lead organizer with the Indigenous Environmental Network.
“This is where our people have been for thousands of years,” added Nick Tilson, another movement organizer with the Indigenous Peoples Power Project. “We’re not going to move unless it’s on our own terms ‘cause this is our Treaty land…pure love for our land; pure love for our people. And so there’s no place for fear.”
The messages conveyed at the top of Media Hill on Saturday were a deliberate attempt to craft a narrative that has been covered, in large part, by smaller publications for months, including Indian Country Today.It was also a direct attempt to dispel a storyline repeatedly crafted by Morton County, that some of the water protectors are violent criminals.
“While the violent faction within the protest group is a minority, it is a real threat to law enforcement,” read a statementreleased on Saturday by Morton County Commissioner Cody Schulz. “
“The hostile actions law enforcement have endured include being shot at, having molotov cocktails, rocks, sticks, bottles, cans, and feces thrown at them, having buffalo stampeded at them, being spit on, and being verbally assaulted,” the statement read.
In the battle over the Dakota Access pipeline, fought on the ground and in the courts, it’s also been one waged by all sides— the tribal nation, the police, the energy companies, and the government —in the court of public opinion.
As time turns towards the transition of power in the United States, the focus now has become one focused on federal involvement. Morton County has called on U.S. Marshals to assist in the encampment eviction on Army Corps land. Water protectors continue to repeat calls for President Obama to intervene.
“President Obama, when you came here [in 2014] you promised you would protect tribal sovereignty and spiritual belief,” said Thomas Lopez, Jr. a Standing Rock tribal member and organizer with the International Indigenous Youth Council.
“You promised you would protect our sacred way of life. And here we are protecting that sacred way of life. And where are you?”
“You are in silence.”
Silence has mostly veiled this historic moment at Standing Rock. Whether elite media remains interested in the struggle could determine its outcome.
The Oceti Sakowin camp is seen in the morning shrouded in mist during a protest against the Dakota Access pipeline near the Standing Rock Indian Reservation near Cannon Ball, North Dakota. Photo by Stephanie Keith/Reuters
Protesters against the North Dakota Access oil pipeline said Saturday they will not move from the site of a months-long encampment, even after the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers issued a letter announcing its plan to close the land.
The protesters, or “water protectors,” were notified that land north of the Cannonball River will be closed on Dec. 5, according to Dave Archambault II, chairman of the Standing Rock Sioux Tribe.
The Oceti Sakowin camp, which rests on the banks of the river, contains a loose collective of tribal nations and out-of-state supporters opposing the 1,172-mile pipeline. The camp is about 45 minutes south of Bismarck, the state capital.
Archambault said he was “deeply disappointed” by the Army Corps’ decision, “but our resolve to protect our water is stronger than ever.”
“It is both unfortunate and disrespectful that this announcement comes the day after this country celebrates Thanksgiving — a historic exchange of goodwill between Native Americans and the first immigrants from Europe,” Archambault wrote. “Although the news is saddening, it is not at all surprising given the last 500 years of the mistreatment of our people.”
The Army Corps did not immediately respond to requests for comment.
The Standing Rock Sioux Tribe and its supporters have said the $3.7-billion pipeline threatens the reservation’s main water supply and cultural artifacts, all claims the company behind the project, Energy Transfer Partners, has denied.
Dakota Access Pipeline protesters are seen at the Oceti Sakowin campground near the town of Cannon Ball, North Dakota in an aerial photo provided by the Morton County Sheriff’s Department. Photo handout via Reuters.
Archambault said the Army Corps closed public access to the land over “safety concerns,” adding that the agency plans to allow a “free-speech zone” south of the Cannonball River.
The decision comes days after law enforcement deployed water hoses, rubber bullets and tear gas against hundreds of unarmed Standing Rock protesters. Camp organizers said more than 300 protesters were injured in Sunday’s standoff, and 26 were hospitalized.
The American Civil Liberties Union criticized the Morton County Sheriff’s Department and other law enforcement’s response in the encounter, saying it was a “catastrophe with serious human rights implications.”
The sheriff’s department defended the decision to douse protesters in freezing temperatures, saying that protesters were “very aggressive.” An initial statement from the department said it was an “ongoing riot.”
Energy Transfer CEO Kelcy Warren told the NewsHour that the pipeline was built “to have minimal impact to all people concerned,” adding that “we’re building the pipeline.”
READ MORE: For Native ‘water protectors,’ Standing Rock protest has become fight for religious freedom, human rights
New Jersey Sen. Cory Booker on Friday called on Attorney General Loretta Lynch and the Department of Justice to investigate tactics that police are using against protesters at Standing Rock.
“I call on the United States Department of Justice (DOJ) to promptly and thoroughly investigate all credible reports of inappropriate police tactics and, if DOJ has not already done so, to send federal monitors to Standing Rock to ensure that protestors can peacefully assemble and exercise their First Amendment rights,” he wrote.
Snow still covered the plains when the first tepees and tents were staked in the ground near the Standing Rock Sioux Reservation by a confluence of the Missouri and Cannonball rivers. It was April 1, 2016, a Friday. This small encampment would grow into an unprecedented gathering of native North American tribes and nations united in an effort to protect water and land. Together they would build a resistance movement rooted in nonviolence and community that, nearly eight months later, shows no signs of backing down, even in the face of mounting violence against it.
The Dakota Access pipeline, funded by the Energy Transfer Partners corporation, would transport up to 570,000 tons of crude oil per day along a 1,172-mile route from the Bakken oil fields of North Dakota through South Dakota, Iowa, and Illinois. If completed, its path would cut through grounds sacred to the Standing Rock Sioux tribe. It would travel twice underneath the Missouri River, which the Lakota and Dakota people of the Standing Rock Sioux reservation depend on for drinking water, along with 17 million other people throughout the country.
Environmental organization Honor the Earth begins a five-day “spirit ride” to raise awareness about the dangers of the Dakota Access Pipeline. Pictured at far right: Lorna Hanes.
None in the core group imagined they would stay long. Among them that day were LaDonna Brave Bull Allard, tribal historian of the Standing Rock Sioux, who had invited the camp to stand on her private land, where her son is buried. Prairie McLaughlin, Allard’s daughter, brought her kids. Joye Braun, of the Indigenous Environmental Network, came from the Cheyenne River Sioux reservation in South Dakota, as did Joseph White Eyes and Jasilyn Charger, veterans of the fight to stop the Keystone XL pipeline. They brought water, chips—enough to tide them over for a few days. They did not think to bring firewood.
But pipeline construction began in mid-May, and the campers, about 30 people by then, stayed on. “It was more personal,” Charger, who is 20, told me recently of these early days. The Camp of the Sacred Stone was named after the spherical sandstone formations the Cannonball River produced until the 1950s, when the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers built the Oahe Dam, wiping out acres of Standing Rock Sioux land and changing the river’s flow. That past was on everyone’s minds when, in July, the CoE issued a fast-track permit for the pipeline’s construction. (The tribe maintains it was not properly consulted about potential environmental risks—in the event of a pipeline leak, say—or about the cultural and historical significance of the land through which the pipeline would cross.) Charger and a group of other younger campers ran a relay of nearly 2,000 miles on foot from Standing Rock to the White House to deliver 160,000 signatures in opposition. When they got back, they found the camp a lot more crowded: A call had gone out to indigenous peoples all over the country—and had been answered resoundingly.
Looking north over Oceti Sakowin and Rosebud camps.
By August, there was a “spirit” camp, Rosebud, near Sacred Stone, and many camps within camps, to accommodate a population that had swelled to at least 3,000. Drones, helicopters, and planes made daily menacing swoops in the sky. Another large camp, Oceti Sakowin, or Seven Council Fires, named for the seven bands of the Sioux people, was set up across the Cannonball River. The camp ran a school for children and medic tents and held daily meetings and direct-action trainings. Kitchens served three meals a day to hundreds. Handmade signs went up banning drugs, alcohol, and weapons, and offering instruction in nonviolent civil disobedience principles. They called themselves water protectors, rather than protesters. They referred to the pipeline as the Black Snake, in keeping with Lakota prophecy. A row of flags, representing the hundreds of tribes, nations, and allies, lined the main road.
Most of the world did not become aware of Standing Rock until just after Labor Day weekend, when videos of private security personnel attacking Native Americans with dogs and pepper spray went viral. The day after the Standing Rock Sioux tribe filed papers in federal court identifying sacred burial grounds and cultural sites along the pipeline’s path, Dakota Access sent bulldozers to some of those locations, and water protectors met them there, Democracy Now! reported. Journalist Amy Goodman narrated as the show’s camera zoomed in on stinging eyes and lunging dogs, one dog’s mouth red with blood. A warrant was issued for Goodman’s arrest. In an op-ed for the Los Angeles Times, environmentalist Bill McKibben called the pipeline a “Flint in the making.” The Standing Rock movement, with distinct echoes of the civil rights demonstrations of the ’60s, entered the national consciousness.
Riders bearing flags head north on Highway 1806 near Cannon Ball, North Dakota, to raise awareness about the pipeline.
Nothing I had seen or read about No DAPL, however, had prepared me for the first sight of the camp. I arrived on a cold October night, after driving in from the airport in Bismarck past 45 miles of dark ranch land. At a checkpoint, a member of the National Guard flagged me down and warned me of people “sleeping in the ditches” ahead. Just north of camp, the speed limit dropped precipitously, as it does outside any small town. To the east, hundreds of tents and tepees stood under vast, starlit Great Plains skies, surrounded by bright, vigilant campfires. I slowed, rolled down my, and listened to sounds of persistent drumming and flags whipping in the night wind. The smell of smoke floated across the road.
When I returned the next morning, a man stepped out of a ramshackle wooden booth in an oilskin coat. He held a walkie-talkie in one hand and, in the other, a burning stick of sage, which he smudged over the hood of my car. Camp was in full swing. Horses patrolled the perimeter. Volunteers carried flats of donated canned goods. Children on recess from school took the discarded cardboard pieces and turned them into sleds, for sliding down a slick grassy hill. People gathered by a central fire, near card tables of tea and water and a dry-erase board filled with notices of ride shares, lost items, an AA meeting. A man bundled in a camouflage jacket and shrouded in sunglasses sat in a chair and held court, making droll announcements into a microphone: “Relatives, there is a call for help to raise a new army tent for the kitchen. We could use some strong hands, so if anybody is sitting around missing their treadmill or their StairMaster back home, in about an hour you can get your workout.” Someone tapped me on the shoulder, a 20-something guy in work boots. “You look new,” he said. “Do you want to go to the front lines?”